Interdisciplinary: Ad Americam publishes peer-reviewed articles on North American history, politics, law, culture, sociology and comparative studies of American and other cultures
|Institute of American Studies and Polish Diaspora|
|Institute of American Studies and Polish Diaspora|
Ad Americam: Journal of American Studies
Ad Americam. Journal of American Studies is published yearly by The Institute of American Studies and Polish Diaspora of Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland. The Institute was established in 2004. It emerged from the consolidation of various programs already in existence (Chair of American Studies, Center for Canadian Studies, Chair of Latin American Studies, Chair of the History of International Migration Movements and Chair of Sociology of Nation and Ethnic Relations).
Ad Americam: Journal of American Studies, Vol. 12
American Studies in Europe and the Challenges of a Globalizing Black World
Until recently, American Studies Programs in Europe have privileged Politics, Diplomacy, Economics, and Literary Studies. In the last two decades, however, demographic changes, in consequence of increased migrations from the Third World, particularly Africa, and the attendant āBlackening of Europeā have compelled the revising of American Studies curricula. Across Europe, American Studies Programs are being revised to include and interrogate hitherto neglected themes about minority ethnic experiences (race, ethnicity, diversity, multiculturalism and nationality). Increased attention to ethnic minority experiences in American Studies has in turn bolstered European scholarly interests in American minority ethnic experiences, especially the black American. The paper examines the challenges and implications of the revisionist phase in American Studies across Europe. It also analyzes how the problematic character of American Studies in the United States relative to Ethnic Studies fields, such as Black Studies, would impact the reconfiguration of the discipline in Europe.
The Bracero Program
The Bracero Program is probably one of the most well-known temporary worker programs in the USA. Its idea developed when braceros were a kind of remedy for the lack of workers in the domestic market, till the time when they became a cheap and easy workforce. The program seemed to be useful and profitable for both Mexican and American partners. For many Mexicans it turned out to be an opportunity for a better life in the United States. However, the living and working conditions of those who decided to work as braceros were far from satisfying. This article discusses the history of the Bracero Program, shows who wanted to become a bracero and who employed them. It also focuses on the social context of the program.
American Exceptionalism in U.S. Latin American Policy at the Turn of 19th and 20th Century
The last years of the nineteenth century and the fi rst decades of the twentieth are extremely important for American foreign policy. This was when the United States entered the elite club of world powers. This was also the moment when the United States began to play a major role in international relations, the role that it has played until the present day. We can observe some similarities in American foreign policy of those times and the present. In this paper, the author concentrates on the American mission. The author also analyzes American exceptionalism in U.S. Latin American policy. It would be helpful to answer an important question: was U.S. Latin American policy at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries a realization of American exceptionalism or just American realpolitik?
United States after Midterm Elections: New (?) Political Scene
On Tuesday after the first Monday of November, American citizens decided who will be their representatives in the House of Representatives in the next two years, and which political option will fill 1/3 of the Senate. As the results of the midterm show, the activity of Obamaā(tm)s administration has brought about āchanges,ā but the effects of these changes are not exactly after Democratsā(tm) minds, because instead of bringing Democrats victory at midterm, it was a warning sign for the White House that many Americans might not be satisfied with domestic policy and proposed reforms. The main aim of this article is to present changes that have taken place in the United States not only from a political perspective but also a personal one. The second aim is to answer the question whether the November elections bring about real change in the circles of the ruling elites, or just displace the opposition party with the ruling one, and vice versa.
U.S. Diplomacy and the Brazilian Coup dāĆ©tat of 1964
Brazil has always remained on the list of priorities of the United States policy towards Latin America. The size of this country, its demographic potential, natural resources and political ambitions caused Washington to observed the foreign policy and domestic affairs of Brazil with utmost concern during the Cold War period. The Cuban revolution radically bolstered anticommunist fears, which influenced the policy of the U.S. in the region. The administration of John Kennedy worked out a new policy in Latin America based on an assumption that repressions are an inefficient tool in the war against the communist danger. The U.S.A. offered its Latin American partners the Alliance for Progress, which was an unprecedented program of economic aid. The aim of the new policy was not only the economic advancement of Latin America but also its democratization. However, the political reality unveiled the weaknesses of this plan. Washington did not accept radical politicians as heads of the states if their programs and policies did not guarantee maintenance of ties with the United States and anticommunist foreign policy. Thus, the presidencies of JĆ¢nio Quadros and Joao Goulart (1961-1964) became intolerable for the United States. Washington supported the idea of a military coup dā(tm)Ć(c)tat which was to protect Brazil from a communist dictatorship.
China and the U.S. in Africa: Conflict or Collaboration?
Chinaā(tm)s quest for strategic resources in Africa (especially oil), but also for markets and political influence, created considerable fears in the American administration, as it could result in losing influence on this continent. This paper discusses Chinese engagement in Africa, focusing on the economic, political and social dimensions. Its main goal is presenting the U.S. and Chinaā(tm)s goals, as well as areas in which they both compete and collaborate, as it is important to stress that American and Chinese efforts in Africa are not necessarily on a colliding course, as in many aspects they extend into different functional and geographical areas. Hence, itā(tm)s possible to see Africa as a ānormalā(tm) battlefield of globalized economy and perceive the benefits this competition can bring, especially to African countries, keeping in mind that the U.S.-IMF development model does not necessarily fit Africa, and the international system is more and more based on US-China bilateral relations. This paper presents two theoretical patterns, followed by statistical data, presenting the ābattlefieldā(tm) of Africa, focusing on the main problems, main actors and, finally, resources (especially oil) and export/import partners. The goals and policies of the U.S. and China are presented in the next parts of the paper, concluded by the possible areas of cooperation between these two main external actors.
The Concept of Anti-Americanism and Obamaās Presidential Campaign
September 11 and the rise of global anti-Americanism since the Iraq War have raised concerns in American society about the USā(tm)s image in the world and led to the contestation of the concept of the enemy as had been elaborated by the Bush administration. This concern has had a profound impact in American cultural production, and particularly on American cinema, and has shaped the demand for a change of policy that would restore the moral status of the US. Barack Obama, using various elements, managed to incorporate this demand in his electoral campaign and raised the issue of anti-Americanism as a means of criticism of the Bush administration. The discourse on anti-Americanism contested the national narration formed during the Bush presidency and functioned as an asset in the Obama campaign. Barack Obama, with his charismatic political personality, the symbolic power of his personal story and through a personalized presidential campaign, tried to combine the revival of American idealism with moderate conservatism.
Is the President of the United States permitted to disregard unconstitutional statutes?
This article analyzes the issue of the United States presidentā(tm)s right not to execute statutes that he in good faith considers to be unconstitutional. Such a right has been claimed by presidents since the times of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. After a historical introduction, the article analyzes principal arguments in support of and in opposition to executive non-enforcement of unconstitutional statutes. Among the former, there are arguments derived from the presidential oath of office, from the principle of separation of powers, and from the analogy with judicial review. Among the arguments against presidential nonenforcement are arguments that the Constitution requires the president to take care that all laws be faithfully executed, that presidential non-enforcement is equivalent to an unconstitutional absolute veto, and that it infringes on exclusive rights of the judiciary. These arguments rest on a misunderstanding of the principles of constitutional supremacy and judicial review. The article also demonstrates that the Constitution provides sufficient means to guard against abuse of executive non-enforcement. The article therefore concludes that the president is permitted to disregard unconstitutional statutes. It also analyzes circumstances in which such disregard is appropriate, concluding that the president should be guided by principles of deference and accommodation of the views of other branches.
TV Talk Show as a Form of Contemporary (Pseudo) Public Sphere
In the last 20 years, talk shows have become one of the most popular television genres. The various forms and formats of this type of program have created a new platform for public debate on various topics, from very trivial and very personal to important issues of public life. Talk shows have thus become a new form of public sphere. This paper attempts to examine how television talk shows create a public debate, and the impact they have on individuals as well as on our entire social and political life.
The Silent War between the Superpowers. Foreign Policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the Mediterranean in the 1980s
The Mediterranean was a main region in the policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1980s. This part of the world was one of the most important areas of rivalry during the Cold War after 1945. At that time it was the most militarized region in the world. In the postwar world, despite rapid advances in all types of communication, the Mediterranean retained its importance as a unique strategic maritime passageway because of the continuity of naval routes, air routes and strategic directions which largely coincide with the strategies of bloc activity. This article describes the presence of the naval forces of the USA and the USSR in the basin of the Mediterranean, the diplomatic and military rivalry between these superpowers and the implications of this competition for international relations at the end of the Cold War.
The Constitutional Changes in Church-State Relations in Mexico since the Middle of the 19th Century
This article tackles the issue of relations between the Catholic Church and the Mexican state since the mid-19th century until the present. The changes transpiring in the model of these relations are analyzed based on three watershed moments and the key constitutional solutions adopted: 1857 (the first laic constitution of Mexico which, along with the Reform Laws, secularized the system of the state); 1917 (the anticlerical constitution negating the existence of the Church and creating obstacles for its activities); 1991-1992 (the modification of anti-ecclesiastical regulations and the recognition of the legal personality of Churches). Alongside the analysis of the formal and legal changes in the model of the state-church relations, the article presents the selected stages of evolution of relations between the secular and ecclesiastic authorities in the indicated period, outlining the background of these changes and indicating the reasons for them.
Other IssuesAd Americam: Journal of American Studies, Vol.11
Ad Americam, Vol. 10
Ad Americam, Vol. 9
Ad Americam, Vol. 8
Ad Americam, Vol. 7
Ad Americam, Vol. 6: U.S. Legal System,
Ad Americam, Vol. 5: U.S. Foreign Policy: Pattern and Process,
Ad Americam, Vol. 4: United We Stand, Divided We Fall: US-Canadian Relations,
Ad Americam, Vol. 3: Native America,
Ad Americam, Vol. 2: The American Presidency,
Ad Americam, Vol. 1: The Image of Women in American Culture,